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“अनेकता में एकता”
Growing up, this slogan of ‘Unity in Diversity’ was repeatedly referred to by teachers, especially around ‘patriotic’ holidays. However, the interpretative weightage of this slogan is not given its due in a country whose most distinctive characteristic attribute is its intersectional diversity. Regardless of differences, people identify themselves as, ‘Citizens of India’ or simply, Indians. Unity is often misunderstood as uniformity, but the uniqueness of the Indian spirit of belongingness is not derived from ‘sameness.’
A high-level committee under former President of India, Mr. Ram Nath Kovind was formed to corroborate the data to first assess whether ‘One Nation, One Election’ (ONOP) is possible in India and if affirmative, how to implement it. On September 18, 2024, the Union Cabinet accepted the recommendation of the committee to hold Lok Sabha (LS) and State Assembly (SA) elections together with the municipality and panchayat elections within the next one hundred days. A single electoral roll and Electoral Photo Identity Card (EPIC) database to govern voting across all three tiers will be required. This is a complex procedure given that 18 amendments are required with 15 in the Constitution itself. The government seeks to enact a Constitutional Amendment by which Article 82(A) will be added to the Indian Constitution. The President will be empowered to issue a notification, called the ‘Appointed Date’, from when the first seating of the LS shall commence. By this, all the SA formed after the date and before the completion of the term of the Ls would conclude before the next general election. Further, Articles 83(2) and 172(1) which will lead to the LS and SA running together for a five-year term called ‘the full term’. In case the LS or an SA gets dissolved before the completion of this full term, the remaining period, called the ‘unexpired term’ will continue and the new LS or SA will serve only till simultaneous polls are held again. Article 324(A) will be added to the Constitution enabling the Centre to make laws to warrant parallel elections of municipalities and panchayats with the LS and SA elections. Additionally, the Representation of People’s Act, 1951 will be amended to establish provisions which will ensure durability of tenures.
Adhering to the procedure for constitutional amendment laid down in Article 368, will the bills enabling ONOP get the support of two-thirds of members present and voting in the Parliament? Local body elections and amendment to the electoral roll are subjects under the State Government as per the Seventh Schedule, and a change in the same requires the assent of at least half of the states. With only 293 seats in the LS, the NDA requires seventy-one more votes to reach the two-thirds majority mark. In the Rajya Sabha, it falls short by forty-three seats from the required minimum. The support of non-NDA parties is required to successfully enact these legislations and as of now 32 parties support ONOP, 15 oppose it and other 15 refused to provide feedback to the report of the committee.
In the past three decades, elections have been held every year. The supporters of ONOP cite the benefits of reduced expenses, repeated imposition of the Moral Code of Conduct, reduced burden on administrative and security services, and a solution to the perennial problem of ‘electoral fatigue’. However, an erosion of democratic features of federalism, alternative choices, representation and the right to recall are some of the counters. Moreover, holding simultaneous polls in a country with the largest population in the world will be extremely difficult and in case a government falls before the completion of the full term, fresh elections will disrupt the synchronized cycle and elections for that constituency will be held again when the full term officially comes to an end. Not only is this disadvantageous but also unfair.
The discourse on fair electoral choice has become louder. IDFC (Infrastructure Development Finance Company) institute revealed that between 1999 to 2014, when national elections were held parallel to state elections, 77% of the total voters chose the same party as against the 61% when it was held six months apart and 48% when held in broken election cycles.
Also, regional demands ans representation gets diluted. The 2024 general elections came with a promise of ‘Modi ki Guarantee’ by the NDA. Such a political campaign emphasized on the political capital of a single leader, making him the face of elections. This disregarded the value of ‘voting for the person not the party.’ The NDA and its idea of ‘One,’ be it with ONOP, One Nation One Tax (GST), usage of ‘Bharat’ and ideology of ‘Akhand Bharat,’ has unfolded gradually through its policies. But the idea of ONOP is older than the NDA itself as it was implemented during the first four general elections and in 1983, it was supported by the election commission. But elections in India have travelled a long distance from the days when it was regarded as ‘Democracy’s Biggest Gamble.’
Deliberations that seek participation from all stakeholders with the aim to arrive at a consensual agreement that benefits the country and its people, not any one party, person, or perception is required. To maintain the undeterred democratic spirit India must continue to ‘profess, practice and propagate’ free and fair elections.
Amongst ambiguity, only one thing is predictable. Delhi will surely not witness any ‘winter blues’ as a hailstorm awaits the upcoming winter session.
These pieces are being published as they have been received — they have not been edited/fact-checked by ThePrint.