Kathmandu: Former Nepal prime minister Baburam Bhattarai had a close shave last week when his house was set on fire during violent protests that plunged the country into chaos. Yet, he does not blame the youth; in fact, he agrees with them.
“I understand their anger,” he told ThePrint in an interview. “Being a political activist all my life, I could sense the unrest building. The anger was real, and it eventually erupted.”
On September 8 and 9, Nepal witnessed one of the most violent political uprisings in its modern history. What began as youth-led demonstrations against corruption and elite capture of the country’s institutions quickly spiralled into street violence, state repression, and eventually, the collapse of the government.
The 71-year-old former prime minister says the upheaval presents itself both as a warning and a possibility. “This is the worst political turmoil Nepal has seen in decades,” he says. “But it was inevitable. The pressure had been building for years.”
Political system that failed youth
Bhattarai, who led Nepal through its post-monarchy transition, was blunt in his assessment of the country’s political class. “The old guard of Deuba, Oli, Prachanda, they failed. All three rotated power, and none delivered. They built power circles around themselves and captured the State.”
Bhattarai also did not spare the revolutionary forces, once his allies. “They became what they once fought against,” he says. “That’s the real tragedy.”
Yet, he believes Nepal’s recent political unrest could pave the way for long-overdue reforms. “There will be a restructuring and reorganisation of political parties,” he says. “It’s time the second and third-generation leaders take charge and reform the old structures.”
For him, real change will come only if young leaders rise in both existing and emerging parties. “If youth come into leadership, we could see a new political polarisation, one that regenerates our politics.”
In the 10 years since Nepal adopted its new constitution in 2015, the country has been in a constant state of political flux. No government has completed its full term, and party alliances have fractured almost as quickly as they’ve been formed.
“People were promised fundamental democratic rights,” says Bhattarai, who led the country from 29 August 2011 to 14 March 2013. “But what they got was stagnation, corruption, and cronyism. Millions of youth left the country for jobs, for education, not because they wanted to, but because they had no choice.”
Shifting political landscape
On the day of the uprising, Bhattarai says he was at home, trying to advise the youth movement and ensure it stayed peaceful. But chaos found him as his house was set on fire. “I had supported the movement. I believed in their right to protest. But by the second day, other elements like infiltrators, provocateurs, maybe even backed by outside forces had entered the scene,” he says.
On X, he had labelled them “wolves in sheep’s clothing”.
“They set my house on fire. But I don’t think it was the genuine protestors. It was those who fear change, who don’t want a democratic Nepal,” he added.
In the aftermath of the uprising, an interim government has taken charge. Elections have been promised in six months. Many view that timeline ambitious, even unrealistic, but Bhattarai sees a rare opportunity for structural change.
“For the first time in a long while, the youth of Nepal, once seen as apolitical and individualistic, have shown they’re ready to fight for truth and justice,” he says. “That’s hopeful.”
“There will be a restructuring and reorganisation of political parties. It’s time the second and third-generation leaders take charge and reform the old structures,” says Baburam Bhattarai.
He’s working quietly behind the scenes—advising young politicians, helping them organise, and encouraging the rise of what he calls “an alternate political force”.
But he warns that without institutional reforms, this moment may pass without real change. “We need to amend the constitution. The current parliamentary system is broken. It doesn’t allow a stable majority. I believe a directly elected presidential system with a fully proportional parliament would serve Nepal’s diversity and political needs better.”
Can the old be rebuilt?
Asked whether elections within six months are realistic, Bhattarai does not sound too hopeful. “There’s a lot to do. Peace must be restored. Government buildings have been destroyed. But if the second and third rung of political leadership can step up, if they challenge their old leaders, we may have a credible election.”
According to him, this is the moment for Nepal’s traditional parties, the Nepali Congress, the various factions of the Communist parties, to reorganise from the ground up. “If youth take the reins across party lines, Nepal could see new ideological realignments, a fresh polarisation, and perhaps even a more stable future.”
“If the same faces come back with new slogans, people will reject them again. We need new leadership and new thinking.”
For Nepal to move forward, a generational shift is required, he says. “The old political guard has exhausted its utility,” he continues. “New leadership must emerge, not just with energy, but with vision.”
That includes economic reforms. For Bhattarai, political stability must go hand-in-hand with economic planning. He proposes the creation of a National Economic Development Authority, directly under the president, to drive long-term transformation.
“We need scientific land reform. Our agriculture is still subsistence-based. Our industries have collapsed. Nepal should become a vibrant economic bridge between India and China. That’s our geography. That’s our opportunity.”
He envisions an economic model that is both self-reliant and outward-looking, investing in tourism, information technology, hydroelectricity, and rural infrastructure.
On monarchy
In recent months, small but vocal pro-monarchy protests have also emerged, sparking speculation about a royal comeback. Bhattarai dismisses the idea entirely.
“Gyanendra and the monarchy don’t even have 2–3% support in Nepal,” he says firmly. “It’s manufactured nostalgia. We are a republic. That chapter (monarchy) is closed.”
“We need to amend constitution. Current parliamentary system is broken. It doesn’t allow stable majority. I believe a directly elected presidential system with a fully proportional parliament would serve Nepal’s diversity & political needs better,” says Baburam Bhattarai.
He’s also quick to address concerns from neighbouring countries, especially India, about the direction of Nepal’s politics. “Some people wrongly portray Nepal as anti-India. That’s simply not true,” he says. “Nepal has always been a friendly neighbour. Two-thirds of our trade is with India. Our ties are deep. But we need a policy framework that recognises mutual interests, not suspicions.”
More than economics or geopolitics, Bhattarai returns again and again to one core belief: Nepal’s future depends on how well it manages its diversity.
He does not approve of the term ‘indigenous’. For him, Nepal is made of diverse communities.
As one of the architects of Nepal’s 2015 constitution, he says the State must now deliver on its promise of inclusion. “We are a country of nationalities—Tibetan-speaking groups, Madhesis and Tharus, Khas-Aryas like myself. No group has a majority; all are minorities. Our constitution reflects that balance. It must now be implemented in spirit.”
Balancing India and China
He urges observers, especially in India, to see the current unrest not as a return to the past, but as part of the growing pains of a democracy in transition. “There is no serious threat of a royalist comeback. The nostalgia is exaggerated. The real issue is not monarchy or republicanism—it’s the economy.”
With more than 60 per cent of the population still dependent on subsistence agriculture and youth migration at an all-time high, the country is facing a developmental bottleneck. “Our youth are forced to leave, not just for India, but now for the Gulf, Malaysia, and increasingly Europe. This is not a sustainable model,” he says.
He also calls for a balanced development model, one that combines self-reliance with regional integration. “We must harness our natural resources: our rivers, our tourism potential, our human capital. We have immense capacity in the IT sector, and with proper investment, our agriculture can be modernised and made self-sufficient.”
Nepal’s foreign policy, too, must reflect a spirit of balance and independence, he insists. “Our historical approach has been to maintain good relations with both our neighbours and global powers. That tradition should continue. Yes, some past leaders have leaned too far in one direction or another for political gain. That must stop.”
Nepal, he believes, can now play a pivotal economic role in South Asia, acting as a bridge between the Indian and Chinese economies. “We have a unique geographic and strategic position. Our economy must be integrated with both India and China. We can’t afford to pick sides; we must be the connecting force.”
The former PM is candid about Nepal’s economic interdependence with India. “Two-thirds of our trade is with India. Only around 15 percent is with China. The numbers speak for themselves,” he says.
“Our industries have collapsed. Nepal should become a vibrant economic bridge between India and China. That’s our geography. That’s our opportunity.”
He believes India should not view Nepal through a lens of suspicion but one of partnership. “Please don’t doubt the friendship of the Nepali people. We’ve always been close to India—culturally, economically, historically.”
He proposes a strategic dialogue between the two countries to explore industrial and economic collaboration, particularly in the border regions. “Let’s sit together, identify key sectors where Nepal can produce and export, and build hubs that benefit both sides.”
Despite the chaos, the arson, the economic collapse, and the fragile government in power, Bhattarai remains, above all, a cautious optimist.
“This is a turning point,” he says. “If we do this right, we can begin a new era in Nepal’s democracy. But if we fall back into old habits, or allow others to divide us, we’ll lose this chance.”
Sitting in the library of his daughter’s house, just blocks away from the burnt debris of his own home, he looks around and voices his only regret: the mob destroyed 2,000 books he had painstakingly collected and curated over the years.
However, he then adds, “The house can be rebuilt. Now, we have to rebuild the nation.”
(Edited by Ajeet Tiwari)
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