New Delhi: Six years after the ‘Howdy, Modi’ rally in Houston, where Prime Minister Narendra Modi and US President Donald Trump held hands before a cheering crowd, the bonhomie has eroded. And it is the Indian diaspora whose role in influencing India-US relations — or the lack of it — has come under scrutiny. But many who once embodied India’s soft power now defend their perceived passivity, citing “an unprecedented wave of anti-Indian animosity and mistrust.”
Many Indian-Americans sharply criticised Shashi Tharoor’s op-ed in the Indian Express last week, in which he accused them of staying silent on issues such as the 50 per cent tariff of Indian goods and the new six-figure H1-B fee. Yet this is the same community that has long championed the Indian State— building support for the US-India Civil Nuclear Deal in 2008, lobbying to revoke Modi’s visa ban in 2014, and opposing resolutions that sought to condemn India over the abrogation of Article 370.
Now, some have been compelled to put forth a new position: it isn’t their job to criticise the US for its policies toward India.
“Indian Americans do not exist to serve as proxies for the Government of India. We exist as Americans – citizens endowed with rights, responsibilities, and loyalties rooted in this soil,” argued Suhag Shukla, co-founder of the Philadelphia-based Hindu American Foundation, writing in ThePrint. “All of this must also be viewed against a background where Indian Americans and non-immigrants of Indian origin are facing an unprecedented wave of anti-Indian animosity and mistrust.”
Even so, diaspora groups claim they are continuing to work, albeit behind the scenes, on issues that affect both countries, from immigration to the H1-B visa fee.
“Tariffs specifically hit families and businesses right here in the US — they’re driving up costs for everyday goods,” said Chintan Patel, executive director of Indian American Impact, a US-based advocacy group. “The H1-B rollout is very chaotic. It has threatened to separate families, threatened to derail careers, and certainly destabilise businesses.”
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Support for immigrants—with boundaries
The story of Harjit Kaur, a 73-year-old woman who was handcuffed and shackled during her deportation caused an outcry in India. She was removed by US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) for living in the country ‘undocumented’ for over 30 years. The US-based Sikh coalition strongly condemned the “systemic cruelty” her deportation represented, and hundreds protested in California.
But when it comes to deportations broadly, Indian advocacy groups tend to be more cautious.
For Sravya Tadepalli, deputy executive director of Hindus for Human Rights, another advocacy group, immigration is a central concern. Her organisation is working with mandirs across the US to disseminate information to people on how to deal with immigration enforcement. Yet she draws a line between helping immigrants navigate the system and taking up India’s cause in Washington.
“We certainly don’t see any obligation to advocate for the Indian state. That is not our job. We are American citizens,” said Tadepalli, whose organisation campaigns against Hindu nationalism in both the US and India. “But because of our privilege and positionality in the US, there is a moral obligation to elevate the voices of Indian people when they’re experiencing atrocities.”
She pointed out that the Indian diaspora has a long history of speaking up for human rights in India, as far back as the early 1900s, when the Ghadar Party was in the US advocating against British colonialism.
“Similarly, during the Emergency in the 1970s you had the Indian diaspora spreading the word about growing authoritarianism,” she added.
Tadepalli also argued that Tharoor’s comments were not “factually accurate”, since Indian diaspora organisations are active on issues such as the recent H1-B fee hike. She cited the South Asian American Justice Collaborative (SAJCO), one of the plaintiffs in a lawsuit against Trump’s executive order increasing the H1-B fee.
“The H1-B issue is on the top of our minds since it affects so many of our community members,” she said.
Two weeks ago, Indian American Impact and 24 partner organisations brought over 150 Indian Americans to Washington DC for a hill advocacy day, meeting with over 50 Congressional offices to push for immigration policies in line with the community’s priorities.
“Pushback in the advocacy around tariffs and H1-B changes has been happening pretty consistently within the diaspora,” said Chintan Patel, adding that many in the diaspora are first generation immigrants, including himself. “We have family back home, so these are not immaterial concerns.”
Still, Patel was categorical that the diaspora, as American citizens, are focused on outcomes that directly impact their own communities.
“Sometimes, there is alignment. Like with tariffs—they are bad for India, but also for America,” he added.
Advocacy for Indians vs advocacy for India
Throughout its history, the US has seen waves of immigration from different parts of the world. Many diaspora groups have campaigned for their home countries — and the Indian diaspora is no different.
“There was support in America for the IRA (Irish Republican Army) by the Irish diaspora,” said Rohit Chopra, a professor at Santa Clara College of Arts and Science. “They played a role in influencing the US to take a stand and pressure the United Kingdom.”
Today, one of the most influential and powerful lobbying organisations is the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), which pushes pro-Israel policies by influencing law makers in the US.
“The more complicated question is, do these groups have any formal links with the government back home?” said Chopra.
That lack of clarity extends to Indian-American organisations as well. It’s often difficult to know whom advocacy groups represent — their communities, or India. Tharoor’s comments also ignored the practical limits of diaspora advocacy groups—not all of them can lobby the US government.
Hindus for Human Rights, a 501(c)(3) non-profit under US law, has only limited lobbying abilities — such organisations are meant to serve the public interest and cannot engage in substantial political activities.
“We can lobby a very little bit, but it cannot be a significant part of our activities,” said Tadepalli. The organisation advocates independently on issues related to human rights in India and the US, not on behalf of the Indian government.
Groups that are under direction or control of ‘foreign principals’—lobbying on behalf of the Indian government—are required to register with the US Department of Justice under The Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA), 1938.
Overseas Friends of the BJP registered under FARA in September 2020, becoming the first affiliate of an Indian political party to have registered under the law.
“There was a scandal a few years back because Overseas Friends of the BJP hadn’t registered under FARA, and they were supposed to,” said Tadepalli.
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Left in India, Right in US — and vice versa
The Indian diaspora in the US isn’t one homogeneous group advocating together on common issues. Cultural, religious, and political differences all play a part in how Indian Americans vote and how they relate to the Indian state.
“The diaspora is divided, not only politically, but in terms of its perception of reality too,” said Vamsee Juluri, professor at the University of San Francisco. “How this maps onto Indian politics is complex, and not a simple ‘Left-Right’ one.”
A 2024 survey by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, a nonpartisan think tank based in Washington DC, outlined the community’s political preferences. Forty-seven per cent of respondents identified as Democrats, down from 56 per cent in 2020. The share of those who identified as Republicans stayed roughly the same, while independents grew.
“Some Indian-American Democrats don’t like Republicans, but like the Modi government,” said Juluri. “Conversely, many who back the Democrats see the Modi government as too nationalistic and would prefer the UPA to return to power in India.”
He argued that polarisation within the community stems from media silos and a lack of strategic communication by both the Indian government and diaspora leaders. Since 2014, flashy events like “Howdy, Modi” have failed to counter negative global perceptions of Modi’s government on issues like the CAA and Kashmir.
“India really has no ‘narrative’ in play in the West. It remains trapped in an image entirely of others’ making,” said Juluri. “A part of the diaspora agrees with that image, while another rejects it. But in any case, there seems to be no overwhelming desire to ‘defend India’ at the moment.”
Many diaspora leaders agree with this take. But for Shalabh “Shalli” Kumar, a US industrialist and founder of the Republican Hindu Coalition (RHC), Tharoor’s criticism was warranted.
“RHC has committed to not support any Republican candidate who does not specifically condemn the Pahalgam attacks and agree to back a bill we are sponsoring to declare Pakistan a terror state if anything close to that happens again,” said Kumar.
He added, however, that the H1-B law needed modification, even if not by such a large fee hike. “It encourages fraud as it stands, but the 100k fee is misguided.”
Between Trump’s immigration policies and the anti-Indian sentiment coursing through US politics, advocacy groups are walking a tightrope.
“I don’t think diaspora groups need to take up cudgels or represent the interests of the Indian government,” said Rohit Chopra. “But I do think these groups have a moral obligation to speak up about racism and targeting of Indian-Americans and Indian-origin individuals in the US.”
It’s a tricky situation for many, he acknowledged. Diaspora groups that supported Trump and Modi are now hesitant to speak about discrimination or authoritarianism, fearing it could jeopardise their political access or expose contradictions.
But for Tadepalli, the current political climate demands more engagement.
“Because of the change in environment, we see it as more important than ever to speak out about the issues that affect us,” she said. “I think by and large, we’re being affected more than ever before.”
(Edited by Asavari Singh)