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HomeThoughtShotRaja Mohan's India-Sri Lanka cheer, Surjewala on 'practical concerns' in Ayodhya verdict

Raja Mohan’s India-Sri Lanka cheer, Surjewala on ‘practical concerns’ in Ayodhya verdict

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On a new footing 

Raja Mohan | Director, Institute of South Asian Studies, National University of Singapore

The Indian Express 

Mohan writes that there is “considerable optimism about making a fresh start in the bilateral relationship” between India and Sri Lanka “that has endured unprecedented stress”. Sri Lanka’s newly elected President, Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s visit to Delhi “is a good occasion to build mutual trust with the new regime”, he adds.

Mohan notes that the central question is “about managing proximity that imposes inextricable interdependence” on both the countriesHe writes that Sri Lanka’s “ties to other powers has always been of some concern to Delhi and this problem today is focused on the nature of the ties between Colombo and Beijing”. However, Rajapaksa has “affirmed repeatedly that Colombo does not want to be caught in the rivalry” and will “follow a policy of ‘neutrality’”.

Mohan suggests that “Delhi must be seen as a friend of all communities in Sri Lanka that can offer its good offices to resolve problems between themselves”. This will result in Colombo widening “its space in regional and global affairs and create better conditions for a much-needed economic renewal”, he concludes.

Ayodhya’s peace pact

Randeep Surjewala| Congress spokesperson

The Times of India

Surjewala writes that most of the analysis on the Ayodhya verdict “focussed on the legal and theological aspects” but “scant attention has been paid to the more practical concerns and challenges that the judgment, and in some parts its silence, gives rise to”.

He lists these concerns — first, the “Supreme Court’s decision to vest the control of the site in the central government is problematic for its political implications” and has allowed the BJP to “use this as a campaign tool”. Second, the “judgment does not resolve the claims of the various competing religious groups which stake claim to the construction of temple”. Third, there is a “lack of prescription on the trial in Babri Masjid demolition” since the court did not “issue any clear directions” to ensure that the demolition “is treated expeditiously by the judiciary”. Fourth, “holding the demolition of the mosque illegal is an incomplete pronouncement”. Fifth, the “Places of Worship Act has been upheld on the grounds that secularism is a part of the basic structure of the Constitution”.

Surjewala writes that the SC could have instead “gone a step further and put a conclusive veil on the titles of all religious structures that currently exist”.

Decoding the winter session so far 

Chakshu Roy | Head of Legislative and Civic Engagement, PRS Legislative Research

Hindustan Times

The government has “announced an ambitious legislative agenda for the winter session” during which it “intends to get Parliament’s approval on 39 bills”, writes Roy. He explains that these bills can be divided into two categories — 27 bills that “have not yet started their legislative journey in this new Lok Sabha” and the remaining 12 bills “which are already pending in Parliament”.

Roy notes that “there are 10 days remaining in the scheduled close of session on December 13” and there are “approximately 30 more bills for passing on the government’s list”. He argues that “if the government decided to push for passing most of these 30-odd bills, then it would mean that rigorous scrutiny of these bills by Parliament will be compromised”.

So far, the session “has witnessed positive signs when it comes to legislative scrutiny” and the bills have been “debated extensively”, writes Roy and hopes that “these positive signs continue through the session”.

Poverty or wealth — it’s all in the genes

Sangeeth Varghese | Social strategist from LSE

Hindu Business Line

Varghese argues that to alleviate vast socio-economic inequalities, certain groups and “genepool hoarders [need] to open their family treasures.”

He credits JNU for allowing economically weaker sections “to defy the enormous pull of historical gravity” and to rise above their “unjustifiable ascribed social weights”. However, Varghese writes that, despite this inequality and restricted social mobility continues in India. He argues that this is a worldwide challenge even among “wealthier” countries like US, Japan and Singapore. For instance, three individuals — Jeff Bezos, Bill Gates and Warren Buffet own as much wealth as the bottom half of the American population.

“Dominant and successful gene pools” like Parsis, Sindhis, Jains and Chettiars and the Kerala Christian community called Knanaya have “built up tremendous systemic advantages” in education, business, politics, and judiciary. However, like any protectionist and closed system, these can implode “once disadvantages start to weigh over”, writes Varghese and warns that “inbreeding can have undesirable effects.”

Varghese, therefore, calls for these “triumphant behemoths” to open up their societies as it is both in their interest and the country’s at large.

The elephant in the board room

Amit Tandon | Author is with Institutional Investor Advisory Services India Ltd.

 Business Standard

Tandon writes that there is a need for companies to separate the role of chairman and managing director/CEO. He states that it is “surprising … that it has taken two years for industry to formally raise this issue” and also that FICCI, a non-profit association, has requested the finance minister to reconsider her decision in favour of the matter.

The Kotak Committee’s 2017 report proposed that listed entities with more than 40 per cent public shareholding should make the separation, explains Tandon. The report also said that the chairman and CEO should not be “relatives” as defined under the Companies Act, 2013. The chairman as the leader of the board and the CEO as the leader of the management ensures a “balanced governance structure”, argues Tandon.

FICCI has countered Kotak proposals, arguing that “India is ‘different’ given the family ownership of business”, he writes. However, FICCI is “battling a trend” — only a third of companies are left to make the role separation which shows that a majority have already “begun acting on this”, concludes Tandon.

Is the NSO’s consumption data for 2017-18 beyond salvation? 

Surjit S. Bhalla| Executive director, IMF, representing India, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Bhutan

Karan Bhasin | Independent economist

Mint

Bhalla and Bhasin discuss the controversy around the National Statistic Organisation’s Consumer Expenditure Survey (2017-18). After parts of the survey were leaked a few weeks ago, the government issued a press release saying the draft report would not be part of an “official” release because of its poor data quality. This led to “chest-beating about censorship” in the media, they add.

The authors make two points. First, the media outburst is unnecessary as no government official said that the “unit-level data” would not be released. Second, it is up to statistical authorities to learn from the report’s mistakes whenever it is eventually released. Independent academics can assess the problems with the survey so that “such bad data is not collected again”, they write.

Bhalla and Bhasin point out some contradictory figures in the report. For instance, per capita real consumption numbers were starkly different from summary data. They also question the credibility of the NSO that has had a history of poor quality data. Furthermore, they comment on the many “experts” who look at such data through a “political lens” and defend it just because it reflects poorly on the government.

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