Bihar cabinet expansion has been on hold for over two months now, with CM Nitish Kumar demanding equal representation for his JD(U) and union ministry berths.
Ram Chandra Prasad Singh, a former IAS officer who took a plunge into active politics about a decade ago, is now JD(U) president. His proximity with BJP leaders will help.
BJP had highlighted corruption charges against Choudhary in 2016, and claims it was caught unawares when now-ally JD(U) decided to make him a minister.
Having won 31 more seats in the election than its alliance partner JD(U), BJP is expected to appoint two deputy CMs as well, similar to its Uttar Pradesh government.
Chirag Paswan has called NDA's win in Bihar a victory for PM Modi. BJP, though, is unlikely to warm up to him given that Paswan's LJP put a dent in JD(U)'s seat tally.
Former social welfare minister Manju Varma lost her post after Muzaffarpur shelter home sexual exploitation case — in which 34 girls were allegedly exploited — came to light in 2018.
The Beckhams have had the sleekest, unassailable PR game in celebrity town. And much of it rests on their carefully curated social media image, especially on Instagram.
Economists say there are weaknesses in India’s GDP data. But statisticians claim the accusations are based on flawed understanding, saying while GDP has problems, the economists are looking in the wrong places.
Both the governments expressed their commitment to strengthening their maritime cooperation to strengthen the maritime safety and security framework in the region.
If it’s true, it’s quite revealing: referring to the higher caste, Kayastha, the report says, “It’s been three decades since Bihar had a minister from the Kayastha community.” Right after the JP-led Bihar movement in mid- 70’s and the formation of the Janata government in Bihar under the leadership of Karpoori Thakur (an EBC), the province became steadily a turf where the higher caste politicians felt an increasing push-back from the backward caste leaders. The enforcement of the Mandal Commission Report by the Prime Minister V. P. Singh increasing reservation for the OBCs further added strength on the side of the lower and the middle castes. Lalu, during his term as Chief Minister, gave an open call for uprooting BHUREBAL (brown hair) from the administrative-political system of Bihar. BHUREBAL was an acronym coined by him that stood for Bhumihar, Rajput, Brahman and Lala (Kayastha). Against this political onslaught, the three castes other than the Kayasthas could still survive because of their numerical strength and rural presence. The Kayasthas fell by the wayside because they were weak in number and largely urban- based. The political parties wouldn’t bet on fielding candidates from the Kayastha community because they wouldn’t bring in muscle and money power. During the regime of the Indira Congress, particularly during the national Emergency, too, the Kayasthas were targeted and victimized at the socio-political and administrative levels because they were all viewed as supporters of Jayprakash Narayan, a Kayastha. Nitish Kumar, in his animosity against the higher castes, didn’t prove any different from his predecessor, Lalu — although it’s accepted in Bihar political circles that Nitish’s politics was buttressed and financed by the Bhumihars. Sadly now, the net result of the Bihar fratricidal caste warfare going on for half a century is here for everyone to see. For all his failures, Nitish is still blaming Lalu who was driven out of power fifteen years ago. And, in the meantime, almost all of the Biharis who could have contributed to the development of the province with their labor, scholarship, skills or entrepreneurship, but who could also have really visualized the years ahead for Bihar, decamped their land. In the toxic political climate that drew its sustenance from corruption, money and murder, the Kayasthas became very vulnerable. Hopefully, the page will turn someday.
If it’s true, it’s quite revealing: referring to the higher caste, Kayastha, the report says, “It’s been three decades since Bihar had a minister from the Kayastha community.” Right after the JP-led Bihar movement in mid- 70’s and the formation of the Janata government in Bihar under the leadership of Karpoori Thakur (an EBC), the province became steadily a turf where the higher caste politicians felt an increasing push-back from the backward caste leaders. The enforcement of the Mandal Commission Report by the Prime Minister V. P. Singh increasing reservation for the OBCs further added strength on the side of the lower and the middle castes. Lalu, during his term as Chief Minister, gave an open call for uprooting BHUREBAL (brown hair) from the administrative-political system of Bihar. BHUREBAL was an acronym coined by him that stood for Bhumihar, Rajput, Brahman and Lala (Kayastha). Against this political onslaught, the three castes other than the Kayasthas could still survive because of their numerical strength and rural presence. The Kayasthas fell by the wayside because they were weak in number and largely urban- based. The political parties wouldn’t bet on fielding candidates from the Kayastha community because they wouldn’t bring in muscle and money power. During the regime of the Indira Congress, particularly during the national Emergency, too, the Kayasthas were targeted and victimized at the socio-political and administrative levels because they were all viewed as supporters of Jayprakash Narayan, a Kayastha. Nitish Kumar, in his animosity against the higher castes, didn’t prove any different from his predecessor, Lalu — although it’s accepted in Bihar political circles that Nitish’s politics was buttressed and financed by the Bhumihars. Sadly now, the net result of the Bihar fratricidal caste warfare going on for half a century is here for everyone to see. For all his failures, Nitish is still blaming Lalu who was driven out of power fifteen years ago. And, in the meantime, almost all of the Biharis who could have contributed to the development of the province with their labor, scholarship, skills or entrepreneurship, but who could also have really visualized the years ahead for Bihar, decamped their land. In the toxic political climate that drew its sustenance from corruption, money and murder, the Kayasthas became very vulnerable. Hopefully, the page will turn someday.