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HomeOpinionMuslims in India aren't under 'attack'. Making Atiq Ahmed icon of victimhood...

Muslims in India aren’t under ‘attack’. Making Atiq Ahmed icon of victimhood betrays reality

In a country where oppressed castes enjoy the benefits of quota, Muslims have their own personal laws, and waqf boards are urban landlords, Muslims can't be victims.

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Various journalists, intellectuals, and Islamists have made statements regarding India and its present state of affairs. Some of these speeches often contain fallacies that undermine the credibility of their arguments. As a woman, Muslim, and Pasmanda, who advocates for the rights of marginalised and oppressed communities in India, it is incumbent upon me to scrutinise the broad assertion that the 200 million Muslims of the country are under attack. I assess the validity of these grand claims that are consistently propagated across different platforms without being substantiated by concrete evidence. It is vital to understand the potential consequences of making such sweeping statements.

Recently at UNESCO, journalist Rana Ayyub made a contentious remark. “Three weeks ago in India, a lawmaker was shot dead live on camera,” she said, referring to the killing of UP’s gangster-turned-politician Atiq Ahmed on 15 April 2023.

It is essential to analyse the implications of Ayyub’s statement. As a journalist, she carries the responsibility of presenting the whole truth and knowing that half-truths can be just as damaging as outright lies, if not more so. Ayyub presented only half truth by calling Atiq a lawmaker — he was also a notorious gangster whose power was characterised by rampant lawlessness. By omitting crucial details, Ayyub’s statement potentially distorts the narrative and fails to provide a comprehensive understanding of the situation.


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Not an ‘assault’

Another argument that Ayyub made — and is frequently heard across the board as well — is that there is an ongoing and deliberate assault on Muslim minorities in India. This assertion paints a broad and concerning picture that does not necessarily reflect the complex reality in the country. Such a comment made in the aftermath of Atiq’s killing also insinuates a connection between the incident and the larger narrative of Muslims being targeted. The claim is subject to interpretation and debate, as it hinges on multiple factors, including political, social, and economic dynamics that impact Muslims in India.

In a country where a minority affairs ministry is actively involved in addressing minorities’ concerns, oppressed castes enjoy the benefits of reservation, Muslims have their own personal laws, many students from marginalised backgrounds receive distinguished scholarships, policies for the underprivileged greatly benefit the poor, minorities pursue successful careers in sports, business, movie industry, civil services, and defence, waqf boards are urban landlords, it cannot be asserted that all of India’s Muslims are under a sustained attack.

Regrettably, extrapolating Atiq’s killing to Muslims being victims in India manipulates perceptions and creates false narratives. More importantly, it is crucial to acknowledge that Muslims have been among the greatest victims of Atiq’s criminal actions — UP police records mention his brother Ashraf being charged with the rape and abduction of two minor Muslim girls. To downplay his criminal record and emphasise his religious identity is to falsely present him as an icon within the Muslim community and a symbol of Muslim power.


Also read: In India, hijab is less about Islam, more modern Muslims’ way to wedge ‘us…


Why grand claims don’t stand

Many critics also assert that the 2002 Gujarat riots amounted to a genocide of Hindus and Muslims. While it is true that the three-day riots following the Godhra burning where 59 Hindus, including children, were horrifically burned alive, were tragic, equating it to genocide has no factual basis. Legal action was taken against some of the Hindu extremists involved in the Gujarat riots, but discussions on this topic often ignore it.

That Muslims do not enjoy fair representation in Parliament does hold some truth based on available data. While the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has fielded many Muslim candidates — even reaching out to the Pasmanda community in Delhi and UP — their success has been limited. Personalities such as Danish Azad Ansari and Mohsin Raza, though, have been elected to the UP cabinet under the leadership of the Yogi Adityanath government.

Muslim representation in politics is much more complex than a simple numbers game. Historically, most Muslim representatives in legislative bodies have come from the dominant Ashraaf community, while the Pasmandas have often been underrepresented. This disparity highlights that Muslim representation was never inclusive for all segments of the community.


Also read: Mohan Bhagwat’s right — no word wounds Hindus like kafir does


Look at the ground reality

In a secular country like India, the argument that a particular community can only be represented by individuals of the same religious background undermines the essence of a pluralistic democracy. Anyone, regardless of their religious affiliation, can be a capable leader for the Muslim community, just as a Muslim can represent people of other faiths. The limited number of Muslim representatives in Parliament cannot support the assertion that the entire community is facing a systemic attack. In a democratic space, multiple and complex factors determine the representation and participation of diverse communities in politics.

India is a country where, for the most part, followers of various sects and schools coexist peacefully. Its rich history and diverse cultural fabric have fostered an environment where people from different religious backgrounds have lived side by side, contributing to the nation’s pluralistic identity. Conflicts and tensions do arise, and they are exceptions rather than the norm.

Grandiose and unsupported claims such as Ayyub’s at UNESCO can have detrimental consequences for the Indian Muslim community, as such narratives paint an inaccurate picture of the actual situation on the ground. This can lead to further marginalisation and stigmatisation of the community and hinder efforts toward achieving genuine progress and inclusion—false narratives create a victimhood mindset and cement the ‘us versus them’ divide. It is important to approach discussions with a balanced and evidence-based perspective. That’s how we can foster a better understanding of the challenges faced by different communities.

Amana Begam Ansari is a columnist and TV news panelist. She runs a weekly YouTube show called ‘India This Week by Amana and Khalid’. She tweets @Amana_Ansari. Views are personal.

(Edited by Humra Laeeq)

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